On 9 September 2026, the European Commission adopted its proposal for a new Public Procurement Regulation. The goal: To make public procurement simpler, more flexible, and more effective with a single, directly applicable Regulation. The proposal replaces the current Directive 2014/23/EU on concessions, Directive 2014/24/EU on public procurement and Directive 2014/25/EU on procurement by entities operating in the water, energy, transport and postal services sectors. This is not just a technical redesign. On the contrary, the European Commission uses its proposal to align public procurement more closely with the European Unions (EU)’s industrial, security and geopolitical agenda. Below we outline the key changes, and explain why this marks a new era for the industry, taking into account that the EU’s public procurement market’s value is around EUR 2.5 trillion annually.

On 10 August 2026, the European Commission (Commission) definitively imposed anti-dumping (AD) duties on imports from the Republic of Korea (Korea) and Mexico of terephthalic acid (TA), i.e., the essential feedstock for PET bottles, polyester fibres and food packaging. This Regulation is unusually rich in points that matter well beyond the TA world. It (i) signals that China is not the only target; explains how the Commission calculates (ii) dumping margin when its own sample partly do not dump and (iii) injury margin when it treats two different-behaving exporting countries as one.

On the last day of August, the European Commission designated ChatGPT, Reddit and Roblox under the Digital Services Act (DSA). Reddit and Roblox were designated as Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) – notable, but business as usual for anyone tracking EU platform regulation. The designation worth pausing on is ChatGPT Search: The Commission classified it as a “Very Large Online Search Engine” (VLOSE) – the same regulatory category as Google Search. With that decision, the Commission has answered a lingering question: in its view, LLMs can qualify as search engines under the DSA framework. Indeed, this is the first time an AI chatbot has been formally treated as such. The signal to the industry is clear: if your LLM has a search function and enough users, the Commission’s view is that the DSA applies to you.

According to recent press reports (examples available here and here), the European Union may be quietly assembling an economic security bloc with the United Kingdom, Japan and South Korea to shield their automotive sectors from Chinese overcapacity. No official statement made yet, and the Commission declined to confirm. This note sets out, from an EU and WTO perspective, what an “alliance" could actually mean in law, which of its plausible building blocks are already in place, and where the difficulty lies.

The European Commission has launched an 8-week consultation on whether additional categories of steel products should be covered by the EU Steel Overcapacity Regulation that came into force on 1 July 2026. Stakeholders have until 30 September 2026 to submit comments. The European Commission will decide by 31 December 2026 whether to extend the scope to cast iron pipes and hollow profiles, non-alloy and other alloy wire, stainless steel wire, and forged bars. This is the first of many reviews planned under the Regulation. It is likely to attract attention from other industries facing similar challenges.

July has been a busy month for Google's legal team: the European Commission issued four decisions under the Digital Markets Act (DMA) against the tech giant. On 16 July, two compliance decisions were adopted specifying how Google must adjust Google Search and Google Android to open its services to rivals. One week later, on 23 July, the Commission released two non-compliance decisions, fining Google a total of EUR 890 million for self-preferencing in Google Search and restricting app developers on Google Play. These decisions open significant opportunities for businesses that have suffered harm from Google's practices. German courts are an attractive forum to pursue such claims. Private enforcement can be a good alternative to Brussels (see also here).

According to media reports, the European Union’s 21st package of sanctions against Russia and Belarus, published on 23 July 2026, was preceded by weeks of protracted and difficult negotiations. Several Member States succeeded in securing mitigations or concessions in favour of domestic businesses. Nevertheless, the latest package contains the most extensive listings of natural and legal persons, entities and bodies in four years, as well as a range of further tightening measures in relation to sectoral sanctions. Key measures include new restrictions targeting the Russian financial sector, the introduction of a new instrument which enables a complete prohibition on crypto-asset services from specific third countries, and the suspension of the automatic adjustment mechanism for the crude oil price cap until 15 July 2027. In addition, the package once again seeks to strengthen the legal position of European companies against abusive Russian jurisdiction.

On 22 July 2026, a coalition of European companies and organizations published an open letter calling on the Commission to enforce the Digital Markets Act (DMA) in full and without delay. The letter responds to hesitant enforcement posture, as the signatories see it: under pressure, particularly from the U.S., they accuse the Commission of holding back or delaying action under the DMA. As if reacting on the spot, the Commission announced two non-compliance decisions against Google under the DMA, just the following day imposing total fines of EUR 890 million. However, as sizeable as the fine may seem, it accounts for less than 1% of Alphabet's annual turnover and sits at the lower end of the DMA's sanctioning scale. Thus, instead of proving the signatories right by showing that public enforcement is ongoing, the decisions actually are best proof that political pressure from abroad continues to weigh on the Commission’s decision-making.

We take the opportunity to revisit the DMA's second pillar: private enforcement. Building on our March 2024 briefing, we summarize some rulings that German courts have handed down and shows how private action complements and, in some respects, outpaces the Commission's work in Brussels.

As in previous financing rounds, BLOMSTEIN advised Helsing on its Series E financing, which raised a total of USD 1.8 billion and values the company at USD 18 billion.  

Mobile game developers have long had to pay Apple and Google a 30% commission for every transaction. Under the Digital Markets Act (DMA), this is no longer the case. The DMA as well as the German equivalent (section 19a Act against Restraints of Competition (ARC)) are the weapon that lets Mario defeat Bowser. The aim of the DMA is to hold tech giants accountable regarding how they operate their platforms and to empower smaller players. For video game studios, publishers and consumers, the DMA aims to reduce restrictions, create greater control and, ultimately, a better user experience. Here is what gaming companies are now able to do under the DMA.